Why would The Washington Post publish an editorial that is evidently based on false/fabricated evidence?

In an April 3rd, 2013 editorial titled Schools push a curriculum of propaganda, George F. Will posited that:

Wisconsin’s [Department of Public Instruction], in collaboration with the Orwellian-named federal program VISTA (Volunteers in Service to America; the “volunteers” are paid), urged white students to wear white wristbands “as a reminder about your privilege, and as a personal commitment to explain why you wear the wristband.” A flyer that was on the DPI Web site and distributed at a DPI-VISTA training class urged whites to “put a note on your mirror or computer screen as a reminder to think about privilege,” to “make a daily list of the ways privilege played out” and to conduct an “internal dialogue” asking questions such as “How do I make myself comfortable with privilege?” and “What am I doing today to undo my privilege?”

However, the referenced flyer was apparently not distributed by DPI-VISTA trainers:

The document previously available via this URL is no longer here. It was not a VISTA document, nor was it a Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction (DPI) document.

The file that had been here was a document included in a resource packet offered to VISTA volunteers as they left a training session. The document was not referenced in the training, and the training session was conducted by individuals external to DPI and VISTA.

Unfortunately, misconceptions and misinformation about the
document are being spread by an out-of-state entity that has no
connection with the public schools in Wisconsin.

To be absolutely clear, no DPI official has asked, requested, or
encouraged any school district, educator, or student to wear any wristband, and none of our VISTA volunteers have had any children put on any wristbands.

Again, no DPI official, nor any VISTA volunteer has used, requested, or encouraged anyone in any school to use the wristband activity as ‘reported’ and shared by external groups.

The “reported and shared by external groups” statement refers to a Town Hall blog post referencing the same document.

The Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction issued a followup announcement to this same effect, here:

Important Updated Message:

It is unfortunate that this agency has to respond to misconceptions and misinformation being spread by an out-of-state entity that has no connection with the work being done by the public schools in Wisconsin.

First and foremost, and to be absolutely clear, no DPI official has asked, requested, or encouraged any school district, educator, or student to wear any wristband, and none of our VISTA volunteers have had any children put on any wristbands. To be clear, no Wisconsin students were given white wristbands.

The Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction participates in the federal Corporation for National and Community Service/AmeriCorps VISTA program, and can place up to seventeen VISTA volunteers in local community projects across the state that have specifically requested hosting a VISTA volunteer.

As part of the requirement allowing the DPI to participate in the AmeriCorps VISTA program, the DPI must:

Arrange and be responsible for providing in-depth on-site orientation and training for all incoming AmeriCorps VISTA members at the beginning of their service.

Assist in the provision of pre-service, and in-service training (online or face-to-face), as specified in the Project Application.

The AmeriCorps VISTA volunteers are serving in schools and communities that are culturally and racially diverse. Wisconsin schools are becoming increasingly diverse, and therefore multiple opportunities for training are provided to the VISTA volunteers to help them better serve the schools, and communities in which they placed. This year’s volunteers have been offered training many topics, including: grant writing, community engagement, conflict resolution, volunteer management, family-school-community partnerships, and race/ethnicity, among others.

The material about the white wristbands was not covered/discussed in a training VISTA volunteers received—training which was conducted by an outside (non-DPI) group. At the end of a training session, a packet of ‘additional resources’ was offered by the trainers as the volunteers left. Subsequently, that entire resource packet was posted to the VISTA web site.

Again, no DPI official, or any VISTA volunteer has used, requested, or encouraged anyone in any school to use the wristbands as ‘reported’ and shared by external groups that thrive on spreading rumors and misinformation. The bottom-line is that there is no wristband program in Wisconsin.

So, are we going to see a retraction (or a correction) from The Washington Post’s editor?

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Why do so many (evidently) non-factual suppositions fuel gun control opposition?

Why do so many gun control opponents base their views on suppositions that have, effectively, been substantively contradicted by evidence? Can Americans, as a people, not have a gun control debate based on reason instead?

Among these beliefs are that

  • Having a gun affords people greater safety
  • Gun control is the start of a slippery slope to fascism
  • Gun control doesn’t work
  • The National Rifle Association is interested in enforcing existing gun laws
  • There’s no correlation between the 2007 repeal of the Assault Weapons Ban and incidents of school shootings
  • Most spree shooters get their guns illegally
  • The Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms has too much power,
  • Countries with more (presumably unregulated) gun ownership are safer
  • The United Nations Arms Treaty will negate the 2nd Amendment
  • Race has nothing to do with The National Rifle Association’s views on gun control
  • The Second Amendment is under threat from a tyranny of the (voting) majority
  • America is simply getting more violent
  • America’s Founding Fathers did not support gun control.
  • Criminals will easily find ways to get guns despite gun control.

Here are the facts about gun control, which most gun control overenthusiasts seems to be vastly ignorant:

1) States with the most gun laws have the fewest gun deaths.

2) States with stricter gun control laws have fewer deaths from gun-related violence.

3) More than half of mass shooters in the United States used what is conventionally considered an assault weapon and high-capacity magazines.

4) 25 of the 62 mass shootings in the United States since 1983 have happened since 2006.

5) More than three quarters of the guns used in the above-mentioned shootings were obtained legally.

6) Canada has tighter gun control laws than The United States

7) Israel and Switzerland are NOT gun-toting utopias

8) The United States’ Second Amendment is NOT threatened by the UN Arms Treaty (second source here)

9) Hitler and Stalin did NOT tighten gun control prior to their fascist regimes
(Second and third sources are here and here, respectively)

10) The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms cannot inspect gun dealers once a year, request or require that they submit their inventory, or keep them from destroying records of background checks within 24 hours. Likewise, the ATF has no permanent director. (Second and third sources here and here).
The logical conclusion from this is that the ATF has been rendered incapable of preventing guns from being sold on the Black Market.

11) The National Rifle Association protects wife beaters’ gun rights.

12) The National Rifle Association supported gun control when the Black Panthers wanted to arm themselves.

13) Most people support gun control and oppose absolute banning of gun possession.

14) Women are much more likely to be murdered if they own a gun, and there’s no clear evidence to suggest that gun ownership reduces a woman’s chances of being killed.

15) Countries that have more guns have more violent deaths; both in terms of homicide and suicide

16) Having a gun in one’s house is more of a health risk than a health benefit.

17) The National Rifle Association specifically lobbied to curtail research into the health risks of gun possession.

18) America is not getting “more violent”

19) Gun control IS constitutional

20) The Founding Fathers DID support gun control; “infringement” did not mean “unlimited freedom of gun ownership.

21) Criminals WILL NOT easily find another way to get guns if we have gun control.

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Why is there a bad feeling about JJ Abrams directing Star Wars?

Why is there a bad feeling about JJ Abrams directing Star Wars?

JJ Abrams is going to direct the next Stars Wars movie. Why do so many Star Wars fans have a bad feeling about this?

Source:

http://herocomplex.latimes.com/2013/01/24/j-j-abrams-directing-star-wars-many-voices-cry-out-in-reaction/

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Why does “well-regulated milita” = no gun control?

Why do so many people who agree that “A well regulated militia [is[ neceessary to the security of a free state” oppose the well regulated” part of The Second Amendment?

How have unregulated militias such as The Lord’s Resistance Army, Hamas, The Tamil Tigers, and FARC helped states ensure their security and freedom?

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Why is Israel Tweeting Air Strikes?

Originally written by Max Fisher in The Washington Post

Max Fisher is a blogger for The Washington Post’s foreign desk.

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Governments have always sought to manage public perception in wartime, but the Israel Defense Forces’ steady stream of updates on Twitter, YouTube and Facebook since it began airstrikes on the Gaza Strip on Wednesday seems different. Unlike the usual media tactics- leaflets, state-sponsored radio, spokesmen- social media campaigns seek to incorporate themselves into the media we’re already consuming, popping into our news feeds, implicitly seeking our participation. Or, in the case of the IDF campaign, sometimes explicitly.

The @IDFSpokesperson Twitter account, encouraging followers to show support for the strikes, tweeted Wednesday: “More than 12,000 rockets hit Israel in the past 12 years. RT if you think #Israel has the right to defend itself.” More than 5,500 people have retweeted it. On Facebook, a flier-style image with a similar message has been shared 18,000 times.

But it’s hard to measure whether the IDF’s campaign is changing minds or just reinforcing existing ideological divides. When Egyptian activists launched a grass-roots social media campaign during the early 2011 Arab Spring protests that culminated in revolution, they used Facebook to organize and Twitter to attract the world’s attention and, ultimately, its sympathy. The IDF is plenty organized without social media’s help; its campaign has certainly attracted attention, but not necessarily the sort that will further Israel’s interests.

An early tweet announced the targeted killing of a senior Hamas military commander, Ahmed al-Jabari, with a headshot, tinged blood-red, bearing bullet points of his terrorist acts and the word “eliminated” stamped in capital letters. As fighting escalated, the IDF tweeted, “We recommend that no Hamas operatives, whether low level or senior leaders, show their faces above ground in the days ahead.”

Most messages have chronicled Hamas’s very real crimes, Israelis’ suffering under their rockets and the IDF’s strikes. The accounts have mentioned Gazan civilians, though typically alongside reminders that the IDF has dropped fliers warning them to “take responsibility for yourselves and avoid being present in the vicinity of Hamas operatives and facilities.”

The campaign has elicited a strong reaction. A significant number of Israelis and Americans (whom one IDF tweet addressed directly) have retweeted, liked, shared and otherwise shown their support for the Israeli military operation, dubbed Pillar of Defense.

Skeptics, particularly in the Arab countries surrounding Israel, have seemed to consider the tweets and posts overly triumphant or insensitive. The IDF’s campaign became a heated topic in the larger social media discussion of the military operation. Its official ­#PillarOfDefense hashtag has attracted a small fraction of the discussion linked to the Gaza-sympathetic hashtag #GazaUnderAttack.

Hussein Ibish, a D.C.-based senior fellow at the American Task Force on Palestine, tweeted, “This is extremely damning: IDF cheerily live-tweets infanticide.” (By the end of the week, the death toll in Gaza had reached 39, including a young child.)

The criticism has not been limited to Middle Easterners. Irish Twitter account @Ard_Macha said of the social media push, “Probably more disturbing than the attack on Gaza is the apparent glee with which the IDF carries out its job.”

A polished, edgy campaign can’t overturn actual public opinion, which still rules social media. But it can remind people of what they already think, giving them an opportunity to sound off for or against, and to dig up the debates they’ve been having for years. Like a spree of attack ads in a political campaign, the effect has been polarizing- deepening divides that were already problematic for Israel.

Public opposition to Israel’s Gaza policies was already high in neighboring Egypt, for example, where a newly democratic, Muslim Brotherhood-allied government will have to decide how to respond. An attention-grabbing, feather-ruffling campaign risks further inflaming a public opinion that suddenly matters for Egypt’s decision-makers in a way that it didn’t under Hosni Mubarak’s reliably pro-Israel dictatorship.

President Mohamed Morsi isn’t going to unilaterally withdraw from the Camp David Accords over a few tweets, but the less pressure he feels from anti- Israeli activists and Muslim Brotherhood factions, the better Israel is likely to be served.

That’s the problem with social media. Once you start feeding it posts and images, users can send them swirling just about anywhere. You might think you’re just talking to your friends, but you don’t really control the conversation, which can take on a breadth and significance you hadn’t intended.

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Why Do Some Feminists Get Uneasy When Women Make Progress?

Originally written in The Atlantic by Lisa Mundy

Women are becoming better and better educated and earning more and more money—which can be problematic for people invested in the idea that women are always behind.
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Back in the late 1970s, as an undergraduate at Princeton, I auditioned to be the loudspeaker announcer during halftime at football games. It would be, I thought, a great gig: sitting in some box talking into a microphone, narrating the funny skits the band performed on the field. I made it to the final callback, but in the end the judges gave the slot to a guy. They told me afterward that it was just too hard to imagine a woman’s voice coming out of a loudspeaker at an Ivy League stadium. That was what the 1970s and ’80s were like, for women: opportunity and setback, goofy small disappointments along with important big ones. We were there, but they didn’t want anybody to, you know, hear us.

I forgot about that incident for a long time, but think about it now, sometimes, reflecting how far we have come. Four of eight Ivy League presidents are female. Around the country, women make up nearly 60 percent of college and university students. The default student on campus is no longer male; she is female.

This transformation has occurred in just a few decades, and it’s global, a truth powerfully evidenced by a dynamic chart created by demographer Albert Esteve and colleagues at the Centre for Demographic Studies in Barcelona. Tracking trends worldwide—and projecting into the future—the chart uses blue dots to designate countries where male college students outnumber females; and red ones to denote countries where women students outnumber male ones.

Hitting the play button, you can see that in the 1970s, male students outnumbered female ones in most countries; by 2050, the demographers project, the reverse will occur and we will be looking at a world where women are better educated than men.

Esteve and colleagues also published a major paper showing that globally, the marital pattern that held true for generations–women marrying men with more education—has begun to reverse and women are marrying men with less schooling. This, they point out, will have an effect on who does the earning in marriage. As more women become breadwinners, Esteve says, it’s necessary for scholars to begin to study how everything else—housework, divorce, childbearing—is affected.

I wrote about these trends in a book, The Richer Sex, which was published in March. In it, I argued that female breadwinning could someday become the norm. In this country, as in many others, the rise in wives’ earnings relative to husband’s is striking. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the percentage of working wives who out-earn their husbands has ticked steadily upward, from 23.7 percent in 1987 to 38.3 percent in 2010. It stagnated in the 1990s but began accelerating around 2000. There was a big jump in 2009, no doubt the result of a recession that cost more male jobs than female ones, but even after the recession formally ended, the percentage continued to rise. If you plot this rise in a linear graph, you can see that if the trend continues, the percentage of working wives who are primary earners would cross 50 in about 2036.

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This does not include the large and growing number of single mothers (40 percent of children are born to unmarried women) many of whom are, by default, breadwinners.

When I was making the argument, I knew it would be controversial and that reasonable people would disagree. Still, it seems a point well worth pushing, given the changes that are clearly taking place in terms of women’s achievements. I was careful to include the important caveats: There is still a gender wage gap—women overall make less, on average, working full-time, than men. This means that even when women are the richer sex, compared to their husbands and boyfriends—something that can powerfully affect relationship dynamics—they still may not be earning as much as they in fairness should. Discrimination still exists, and there are experts who believing women’s earnings will always be depressed by childbearing. But the trends are unmistakable, the numbers arresting. Something is going on, in marriage. Something is happening.

I welcomed discussion, but what’s been interesting to see that the only pushback has come from a feminist academic establishment that you’d think would be happy or at least intrigued by what’s going on. Instead, responding to my book as well as Hanna Rosin’s The End of Men, a number of feminists have argued that the female-breadwinning trend is not occurring or is minimally important. These voices— Evergreen State College’s Stephanie Coontz, Nancy Folbre at UMass Amherst, University of Maryland’s Philip Cohen—are part a feminist establishment that I deeply respect, but which I confess I have begun to think of as the Fempire, a group that includes some women’s rights advocates and academics employed in those very institutions that are becoming predominately female. They point to the gender wage gap, as though it had not been mentioned. They insist that if you are calculating female breadwinners you must take into account non-employed wives, in order to get the number lower. It’s fine to do that—the Fempire, I have noticed, prefers to use statistics that are least favorable to signs of women’s progress—but if you’re going to do that, you should also add in single moms, whose numbers counterbalance the stay-at-home ones. Whichever way you want to define them, the ranks of women breadwinners are getting larger. Sure, all this could halt tomorrow, or next year, but to paraphrase the Magic Eight Ball: All signs point to up. Does the Fempire think that all these educated women are not, in the end, going to have an impact?

Women are at such an interesting glass-half-full, glass-half empty moment: More women as primary earners, but often not making as much as they should. I had hoped that some other thinkers might take the argument to the next level, by saying: Okay, what do we do now? What should the plan be? Why argue against these trends instead? Why look only at the half-empty part of the picture? Part of this, of course, is a real concern for women’s struggles. But you could also argue that there is an institutionalized mindset that sets in when you become an institution. A certain investment in your historical argument. Certain currently popular theories—that the gender revolution has stalled; that marriage squeezes women out of the workforce—have a hard time embracing situations where there is no stall, and where married women have a strong incentive to work. You could argue that the excellent advocacy organizations we have today, working against job and wage discrimination, tend to benefit from an air of crisis. You could also argue that in the months prior to the recent election, the Fempire wanted to keep women’s issues in the headlines so that people would vote for, you know, the right guy.

In a recent piece for The Atlantic, Philip Cohen says there is danger in leading people to believe women’s advance is inevitable. What is the danger? Presumably it’s that women will stop striving, stop pushing for needed change, such as child care and leave and equal pay. I’d argue that the opposite will happen—that female breadwinning will help close the wage gap. I feature women in my book who are working in underpaid fields yet are the main earners in their families. And you know who is most bothered about this injustice? Their husbands. The husbands hate it when the wives are underpaid. I would argue that as men press their wives to ask for raises; as women become more aggressive salary negotiators; as young men invest in women’s careers; as women feel pressured to achieve and support; they will earn more. Being the breadwinning partner is stressful, but it can be motivating, as men have long known. In book talks, I urge women to make clear, at work, that they are breadwinners. There is still a lingering presumption on the part of male bosses and managers that women’s money is merely supplementary pin money, and this attitude can depress wages. So I do not think the breadwinner argument is dangerous. I think it’s important and useful.

I think it’s awesome that the Fempire has become an American institution. I’m glad it’s here. As far as I’m concerned we are on the same team. And I would argue there is danger in the glass-half-empty approach. The conversation needs to be enlarged and updated. If it’s not, the danger is that young women as a result will consider feminism irrelevant; that one day, the Fempire will look around and see that nobody lives there; that the citizens have departed and gotten on with their busy, demanding, interesting, productive lives.

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Why Do We Let Kids Play Tackle Football?

Posted on Slate.com by Stefan Fatsis

We shouldn’t.
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Jarryn Thompson of the Torrey Pines Falcons gets sandwiched by two linesman from the Carlsbad Mighty Lancers during the Pop Warner Division Finals

Last week, I took part in a roundtable discussion in Washington on the future of youth football. Robert Cantu, the CTE (chronic traumatic encephalopathy) researcher and NFL adviser, was there. So were Chris Nowinski, the Harvard defensive tackle turned pro wrestler turned brain-injury activist; neurosurgeon Julian Bailes, who has advised the NFL Players Association, the NCAA, and Pop Warner football; and DeMaurice Smith, the head of the NFLPA. An NFL executive attended, as did various youth-football organizations. There was an ex-Jet/Jaguar/Redskin, a plaintiffs’ lawyer, a school board member, the head of a sporting goods trade group, academics, and a bunch of journalists like me.
The event was organized by the Aspen Institute and moderated by ESPN reporter Tom Farrey. His topic question: “How can football serve children, communities, and public health?” Three hours of talk yielded, for me anyway, an unsurprising answer: Tackle football can best serve children, communities, and public health by disappearing.
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I know that Matt Chaney, who wrote for the roundtable this week about the tackling technique that won’t make football safer, is on board with the idea that tackle football is simply too dangerous for the brains of children, and that a distinction needs to be made between what adult men choose to do professionally and what kids are permitted or often pushed to do by parents and other adults. In his new book, Concussions and Our Kids, co-written with journalist Mark Hyman, Cantu proposes barring tackle football before age 14, or the start of high school. The cutoff is arbitrary, Cantu said at the Washington panel. The more important consideration is an individual child’s physical development: If he’s skeletally immature, if he hasn’t developed axillary hair, he shouldn’t play tackle football.

“Youngsters are not miniature adults,” Cantu said. For starters, he explained, their brains are not fully myelinated, meaning their nerve cells lack the complete coating that offers protection. That makes them more susceptible to concussions and means they recover more slowly from them than adults. Cantu said children have big heads relative to the rest of their bodies and weak necks, creating a “bobblehead-doll effect” that elevates the risk of concussion. They typically play in the oldest equipment, with the least educated coaches, and with little or no available medical care. They are allowed to hit each other in practice—up to 40 minutes per session in Pop Warner football, under new guidelines—to a greater extent than NFL players are in season. And finally, kids are unable to provide meaningful informed consent. “Rarely do they really understand the risk they’re taking,” Cantu said.
That brief presentation was a devastating synopsis of the perils of football for small children. (How small? Pop Warner, the formal name of which is, I joke not, Pop Warner Little Scholars Inc., is open to children as young as 5 years old and as light as 35 pounds.) And none of it was refuted by the representatives of children’s football who participated in the event. Instead, what emerged was the playbook for the youth-football-industrial complex—3 million players and tens of millions of dollars in revenue, backed by the NFL, college football, equipment manufacturers, and other sports businesses—in what will be a long battle against the forces of science, medicine, and common sense.

First is the rhetoric. Scott Hallenbeck, the executive director of USA Football, the governing body/trade group funded by the NFL and NFLPA, thanked Cantu for raising “important issues,” declared that a “healthy debate” was necessary, and reminded us that “we’re all in this together.” Our goal? “A better and safer environment for parents and players.” Indeed, “safety” is the key word in the kids’ tackle football PR effort; it’s all over the websites of organizations like Pop Warner, American Youth Football, and USA Football. Who’s against safety?

The words are buttressed by limited, practical changes, like USA Football’s “Heads Up” program and Pop Warner’s limits on head contact and hitting in practice. Better than nothing, sure. But Matt and ex-NFL player Nate Jackson have already debunked the notion that football can always be played with the head up. And kids aren’t usually capable, physically or mentally, of implementing precise technique, as five minutes on the sideline of any youth sports game will demonstrate. As for rules, well, Pop Warner’s concussion-prevention guidelines call for “no full speed head-on blocking or tackling drills in which the players line up more than 3 yards apart.” You can bet some suburban Belichick is lining up his players exactly three yards apart and instructing them to go at 90 percent speed, or ignoring the rules entirely.

Which leads to part two of the youth-football change mantra: better coaching. Hallenbeck said USA Football has “trained” almost 100,000 coaches in the last five years. It also has “looked at the concept” of a national accreditation program with “15 chapters” and “15 quizzes” with a passing grade of 80. “So you could argue there’s 80 percent competency in a program like that,” he said. Or you could argue that the numbers are a way to conceal the reality that youth sports coaches are mostly amateur volunteers, usually parents, with little knowledge about sports or coaching or injuries but lots of preconceived ideas gleaned from years of watching the pros. How else to explain that Pop Warner mismatch in Massachusetts in which five kids suffered concussions?

“The coaches that coach this game … for whatever reason don’t embrace change very well,” former NFL linebacker Eddie Mason told the panel. “That’s the issue. … Pop Warner, USA Football can implement all the things that they want to. You can implement rules, you can implement changes, but until the football community embraces the reality of the sport, the reality of concussion, the reality of the damage that comes along with it if you start at an early age, that’s the problem.”

Youth football officials are aware their coaching problem goes beyond education. Hallenbeck’s answer was another “concept”: installing a player-safety monitor in every youth league to ensure that coaches are teaching “proper” tackling and using sanctioned practice plans, and who also reassure concerned parents that football is getting safer. “Parents are literally looking at us and saying, ‘Thank you, you’re making us feel more comfortable,’ ” Hallenbeck said.

The third and most critical component of the youth-football defense wouldn’t be out of place at a debate over climate change: The science just doesn’t exist to justify banning youth football at any age level. Over and over, Hallenbeck cited the lack of “evidence-based” data. And while Cantu and others agreed that more research is needed, there’s already data that shows the effect of tackle football on undeveloped brains, like a study released this year by researchers at Virginia Tech and Wake Forest that found that 7-year-old players absorb impacts on par with those in college football.

Even that sort of science is used to defend kids’ football. Brooke de Lench, who founded the youth sports websiteMomsTEAM, said her business outfitted the helmets of an Oklahoma high-school team with accelerometers to track and measure the impact of hits. (She’s making a documentary about the project.) “The kids want the accelerometers, either in their helmet or as an earbud or a mouthpiece,” de Lench told the panel. “They want that responsibility”—of determining when they might have suffered a head injury—“taken away from themselves.”

To sum up: The defenders of youth football envision a sport in which players must be outfitted with expensive electronic sensors to determine when they have suffered brain injury; in which coaches have to pass 15-part examinations in order to be certified; and even after doing that, in which safety watchdogs must be deployed on the sidelines of every practice and game to supervise the performance of coaches. “Burning down the village to save it,” sportswriter Patrick Hruby said after the Washington event.

It’s not as if there aren’t alternatives. Maybe have kids play flag football wearing no pads until they’re 10, then with shoulder pads until 13. At 14 or 15, if they are determined to be physically mature, players can don helmets and wrap up opponents to bring them to ground. Any blow to the head or leading with the head is an automatic ejection. Full hitting can start on high-school varsities. Tackling can be taught over time—flag football teaches the proper entry point for contact, around the hips; rugby-style tackling might be instructive—to prepare kids for full contact when their bodies are ready, or at least readier, for it.

None of this is likely, at least anytime soon. Science or no science, the real reason 5- and 6-year-olds will keep padding up and hitting is consumer demand. If Pop Warner offered only flag football, its executive director, John Butler, candidly told the panel, “90 to 95 percent of our members would drop out” and play for independent teams “because whether it be kids or parents, they want to play tackle football.”

Of course they do. They watch it on Sundays. It’s fun. But as Eddie Mason responded, “Sometimes you have to take the decisions out of the hands of the parents and you have to just make the change. You say, well, we don’t offer tackle at this age, we offer flag, and these are the reasons why.” Mason said he isn’t letting his 8-year-old son play tackle football.

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